Tag: Democracy

Former President and Brazilian Generals Arrested for Attempted Coup for the First Time in Brazilian History

Posted on by Jonathan

The former President of Brazil, Jair Messias Bolsonaro, has been definitively sentenced to 27 years in prison by the Supreme Federal Court on the afternoon of this Wednesday (25), in Brasília, the Federal Capital ( where the military resided). There, the former parliamentarian and retired captain of the Brazilian Army will initially be held in a Federal Police superintendent’s office., There are no further appeals available for the defendants in this case.

Former President Jair Bolsonaro had already been preventively arrested by the Brazilian Federal Police at sunrise last Saturday, November 22, at his residence in a luxury condominium in the capital of Brazil, Brasília. The former president attempted to tamper with the electronic ankle bracelet that monitored him, using a welding iron, which led to his preventive arrest and the subsequent suspension of the house arrest he had been serving since August 2025, due to the alleged escape risk. Until then, the convicted could appeal the conviction in the process, but the deadline ended this Tuesday.

In addition to the former president, Generals Augusto Heleno and Paulo Sérgio Nogueira, participants in the former Bolsonaro government, will also begin serving their definitive sentences (21 and 19 years, respectively) in a military barracks. Admiral Almir Garnier will be held in a military radio station of the Brazilian Navy. General Braga Neto, who ran for vice president in the 2022 elections, had already been in preventive custody for 11 months in a barracks in Rio de Janeiro, where he will remain. Former Minister of Justice Anderson Torres, who is not military, will go to the Papuda prison in Brasília.

The definitive arrest order was issued by Minister Alexandre de Moraes, the rapporteur of the judicial process that had already sentenced former President Jair Bolsonaro and others involved in an attempted coup at the end of 2022. At that time, Bolsonaro and the other convicted did not accept the electoral results of that year, which indicated the victory of the current president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the unelection of thenPresident Jair Bolsonaro. It was the first time in Brazilian political history that a sitting president was unable to be re-elected to continue government. 

It is also the first time in Brazilian history that military personnel have been convicted for attempted coups. Brazilian historians point to up to nine coups since the end of the Brazilian monarchy. It should be noted that, whilst there is controversy among scholars regarding the counting of coups against the Republic, no fewer than nine coups have been cited.. In the 136 years since the abolishment of the monarchy, seven coups were successful, each with varying degrees of military participation.

In recent interviews with The Washington Post, three researchers paid attention to the unprecedented nature of the punishment of Brazilian military personnel. According to historian Lilia Schwarcz from the University of São Paulo, “Brazil carries two pacts of silence: the silence about slavery and the violence it produced, and the silence about the military. That’s why this case is so symbolic.” Carlos Fico, a professor at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, emphasized the aforementioned numerical issue concerning historical coups and, despite the high number, the absence of punishment: “For decades, I have studied more than 12 coups and coup attempts, and all resulted in impunity or amnesty. This time will be different…” Finally, political scientist Matias Spektor from FGV (Getúlio Vargas Foundation) points out the seriousness of the leniency against public officials who have the right to use weapons: “The country has never imprisoned anyone who had access to state weaponry. This is revolutionary.”

South Africa’s Reckoning: Can Justice Still Save the Republic?

Posted on by Jonathan

When Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi first laid bare accusations of political interference, hidden criminal syndicates, and sabotage within the South African Police Service (SAPS) in July 2025, it sent shockwaves through the country particularly in communities already living in fear. For ordinary citizens in townships and informal settlements where criminality and “vanishing police dockets” are part of daily conversations, that moment was less about surprise and more about relief  because someone was finally naming the injustice that shaped their daily lives. 

Now, as the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry has begun its public hearings on 17 September 2025 at the Brigitte Mabandla Justice College in Pretoria, the emotions of ordinary citizens mirrored the nation’s tension. The delays, resource problems, and political pushbacks are not just bureaucratic obstacles, they carry real costs in people’s lives. Nicole Myburgh, Ward Committee Member in Eldorado Park, commented “As a resident of Eldorado Park, I’ve witnessed firsthand the devastating impact of gun violence and drug cartels in our community. For years, we’ve lived under the shadow of gang warfare, a reality shared by many communities across the country.”

The first public witness to take the stand was Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, his testimony immediately set the tone. Speaking under oath, Mkhwanazi painted a damning picture of political interference that, in his words, had “turned the South African Police Service into a playground for power brokers.” Mkhwanazi told the commission. “It is a capture of policing itself from the station level right up to the minister’s office. Political loyalties decide who gets promoted, which cases disappear, and who lives to tell the story.”

The second witness National Police Commissioner Fannie Masemola corroborated parts of his account, testifying that ministerial directives had “encroached upon operational independence” and undermined accountability. According to internal documents tabled before the commission, 121 case dockets, many tied to politically connected suspects, were re-routed or “lost” after the task team’s dissolution. Witnesses described how officers who resisted interference were threatened, transferred, or quietly sidelined.

Opposition parties quickly seized on the revelations. DA leader John Steenhuisen told reporters outside the hearings, “These testimonies confirm what South Africans have long suspected that state institutions have been weaponised for factional gain. This commission must go beyond exposure; it must end impunity.” It is worth noting that even though the commission of inquiry has been well received by citizens, if it delivers not only revelations but prosecutions, not just words but systemic reform, perhaps the state will again be seen as a protector, not a predator.

South Africa’s democracy was built on accountability, the idea that no one, however powerful, stands above the law. However, as the Madlanga Commission peels back layers of a major political crisis, that principle feels increasingly fragile. The sudden death of former Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa on 30 September 2025, barely two weeks after his name surfaced in testimony linking him to “protection networks” around illicit mining and logistics cartels, has further raised suspicion. Officially ruled as a suicide falling off a hotel in Paris, his passing nonetheless sparked an online storm of speculation and conspiracy theories leaving others in fear that the line between politics and organised crime may now be one of survival.

Parallel economies thrive in this environment. From the zama-zamas (unregulated small scale mining) of mainly Gauteng’s abandoned shafts to cross border tobacco and vehicle hi-jacking cartels, organized crime has become a shadow state which is exploiting gaps in governance and the rule of law while the most vulnerable in society suffer more into poverty. In a report, the Transnational Alliance to Combat Illicit Trade (TRACIT) estimated that illicit trade (tobacco, alcohol, counterfeiting, etc.) causes losses of about R100 billion annually, but that is not expressed as a percent of GDP.

In the end, the Madlanga Commission is not just about rooting out corruption, it is a mirror held up to a democracy testing its own endurance. South Africa’s political underworld did not emerge overnight but it grew in the blind spots of accountability, in the silence of those who looked away. Whether the commission’s findings lead to prosecutions or fade into another forgotten report will determine far more than political reputations, it will reveal whether this democracy still has the courage to save itself and whether citizens like Nicole will inherit a country worth living in. 

Brazil’s Supreme Court Sentences Former President Bolsonaro to 27 Years for Coup Plot

Posted on by Jonathan

Last week, Brazil’s Supreme Court delivered a historic ruling: former president Jair Bolsonaro, 70, was sentenced to 27 years and three months in prison for plotting a coup d’état after losing the 2022 election.

The court found Bolsonaro guilty of leading a conspiracy that sought to overturn the democratic process. Plans included dissolving the Supreme Court, disbanding institutions, and even assassinating then president-elect Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva before he could take office. 

Bolsonaro has denied orchestrating a coup, insisting he only sought “constitutional alternatives” to remain in power.

A First in Brazilian History

Brazil has experienced at least 15 coups or coup attempts since the monarchy fell in 1889. This is the first time a leader accused of organizing one has been criminally convicted. 

Alongside Bolsonaro, seven high-ranking allies were also sentenced, including his vice-presidential candidate, his former defense minister, and senior military commanders.

Justice Cármen Lúcia, whose decisive vote sealed the conviction, underscored the court’s message: “In Brazil this has one name only: a coup d’état.”

The sentencing marks a watershed moment for Latin America’s largest democracy. Bolsonaro, often compared to other far-right populist leaders worldwide, energized a movement that reshaped Brazilian politics over the last decade. 

His imprisonment leaves that movement without a clear leader ahead of the 2026 elections.

Public reactions have been mixed. While progressive groups celebrated the decision as a defense of democratic institutions, Bolsonaro’s supporters organized protests, framing the trial as political persecution. 

Polls conducted during the trial showed the country nearly split: about half of Brazilians agreed he should go to prison, while a large minority opposed it.

The case has also stirred international debate. Reports indicate that former U.S. President Donald Trump pressured Brazil to drop the prosecution, threatening steep tariffs. 

The conviction now risks straining relations further, as Bolsonaro’s defense team pushes for him to serve his sentence under house arrest due to health concerns.

“No Amnesty” Movement

Brazilian congresswoman Dandara Tonantzin, a rising voice in the country’s progressive wing, told Yuvoice the conviction was a long-overdue step: “This is a victory for all who defended democracy tooth and nail. There can be no amnesty for those who attempted to silence the ballot box with force.”

Her remarks highlight a growing demand that Bolsonaro’s privileges as a former president (including taxpayer-funded security and staff) be revoked.

She also highlighted the symbolism of Justice Cármen Lúcia casting the decisive vote: “It is not by chance that it was a woman from Minas Gerais who stood firm. Bolsonaro once called the birth of his daughter a ‘weak moment,’ yet now he has been stopped by the strength of a woman’s hands: delicate, but firm.”

For Dandara, the ruling is also a historical reckoning: “What happened was not an exaggeration, not a theory, it was a crime against democracy. Justice being served is an essential step to ensure that never again will anyone attempt to shut down the will of the people with force.”

What’s Next?

Bolsonaro’s lawyers are expected to file appeals, which may delay his imprisonment. The timeline for where and how he will serve his sentence – whether in a federal facility, under house arrest, or elsewhere – remains uncertain. 

Meanwhile, political allies are floating a controversial bill to grant him amnesty, though legal experts say such a move would likely be unconstitutional.

Still, the ruling is already shaping Brazil’s political future. Bolsonaro is now banned from running for office until 2060, effectively ending his electoral career. 

For a country still scarred by past authoritarian regimes, the decision signals both accountability and an attempt to strengthen democratic resilience.

The conviction of Jair Bolsonaro resonates far beyond Brazil. It is a reminder that democratic institutions, however imperfect, can hold even the most powerful figures accountable. 

In a time when democracies worldwide are tested by misinformation, authoritarian pressures, and weakened trust, Brazil’s verdict may stand as a precedent and a warning.

Can a National Dialogue Revive a Faltering Democracy in South Africa?

Posted on by Jonathan

Over three decades into democracy, South Africa finds itself in a moment of deep uncertainty. While the right to vote, speak freely, and live in a constitutionally protected society has been achieved, the social and economic promises of 1994 remain painfully out of reach for millions.

Against this backdrop, the government has launched a new National Dialogue framed as a platform to reset the country’s course. But with youth unemployment at 62.4% and public trust in institutions steadily declining, many are asking: is this a meaningful effort to heal a fractured society, or just another elite driven exercise in political theatre?

South Africa’s socio-economic indicators paint a sobering picture. Unemployment remains stubbornly high at 32.9%, and when including discouraged work seekers, the expanded unemployment rate climbs to 43.1%. 

Poverty, too, is pervasive. According to the World Bank, nearly 63% of South Africans live below the upper-middle-income poverty line of  $6.85 per day. Meanwhile, inequality remains among the worst globally, with a Gini coefficient of approximately 0.63 in 2023 thus reflecting extreme disparities in wealth and access. Load shedding, crime, gender-based violence, and dysfunctional service delivery continue to plague communities.

Announced by President Cyril Ramaphosa on 10 June 2025, the National Dialogue aims to bring South Africans together across race, class, and geography to discuss the country’s future and rebuild a sense of shared purpose. It draws inspiration from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in the mid 1990s and is being led by an Eminent Persons Group, including figures like former judge Edwin Cameron, peace activist Ela Gandhi, and Rugby captain Siya Kolisi. The dialogue is expected to unfold in phases, beginning with a national convention in August and continuing into 2026. Its stated focus areas include poverty reduction, youth development, crime prevention, and restoring institutional trust.

But critics warn the effort risks being another “talk shop” disconnected from the realities of ordinary South Africans. Columnists like Malaika Mahlatsi and Ivo Vegter have labelled the dialogue a “costly distraction” with a projected R700 million (40 million USD)  budget though the Presidency insists this is not yet final. It is worth questioning the value of large scale consultations in a country already beset by service delivery failures.

“South Africans are not suffering from a lack of ideas. We are suffering from a lack of political will and accountability,” Mahlatsi wrote. “Dialogues have become tranquilizers to pacify the rage of the governed.”

While the Eminent Persons Group features high-profile leaders, it lacks direct representation from unemployed youth, informal workers, or residents of rural and township communities. 

South Africa’s young people are not apathetic, they’re disillusioned. Years of corruption scandals, broken promises, and economic exclusion have eroded confidence in democratic institutions. But many are still hungry for change if they are given real space to lead. That means shifting the dialogue from polished stages in Pretoria to community halls in Khayelitsha, Giyani, Umlazi, and Mahikeng. It means integrating student unions, youth NGOs, and civic movements into the agenda-setting process, not just inviting them as spectators.

Importantly, the outcomes of the dialogue must be linked to tangible action: job creation schemes, basic income support, land and housing reform, and improved access to services. Without clear commitments and timelines, this process risks deepening cynicism.

South Africa’s democracy is 31 years old. But for many, especially the youth, its institutions feel distant and its benefits unequally distributed. The National Dialogue could be an opportunity to reset, reconnect, and reignite participation. But that will only happen if it centres real people, acknowledges hard truths, and delivers more than just words.

What’s needed now is not another blueprint or committee, but bold political will, grassroots inclusion, and honest reckoning with the failures of the past three decades. Because if democracy is to survive the next 30 years, it cannot simply be inherited. It must be rebuilt by the many, not the few.